Wednesday, July 5, 2017

Why Does China Have Women-only Mosques?

Michael Wood

WORLD RELIGION NEWS - 28 Jun 2017

Traveling, writing, and filming for the last 35 years between the Mediterranean and the Yellow Sea, I have often had occasion to reflect on how frequently the Muslim world is misunderstood, in its beliefs, but also in its customs and practices. 
It’s amazing, isn’t it, how often an expert claims to talk about Islam as if it were monolithic? Sometimes you might even think the Wahhabis spoke for the majority, when actually they are a minority in a vast sea of faith with myriad points of view. 
The Islamic world is wide and various, its points of view almost as numerous as its people. And Islam in China, with its long tradition of women-only mosques, provides a good illustration. In the middle of the plain of the Yellow River in Henan province is the city of Kaifeng. The old capital of the Song Dynasty, 1,000 years ago, it was one of the greatest cities anywhere in the world before the 19th Century – and a meeting place of peoples and faiths. In the narrow alleys of the old town are Buddhist and Daoist temples, a shrine to the Goddess of Mercy, always teeming with people. There are Christian churches, and Muslim mosques – both religions came in the 7th Century (China has some of the oldest Muslim communities outside the Near East). Most fascinating though, are the women-only mosques, and even more surprising is that they have female prayer leaders – women imams. During the Ming Dynasty in the late 1300s, the Muslim community – previously favored guests – suddenly became an anxious and oppressed minority. Responding to the shock of the alien Mongol occupation, the early Ming rulers waged a chauvinistic war against non-Han peoples. Minorities now aroused hostility and suspicion and were subject to a brutal policy of assimilation – the Muslims were told they must marry Han people and not among themselves. So the 15th Century was almost catastrophic for Chinese Islam. But in the late 16th Century things improved and among the Muslims a new cultural movement began, a revival of Islamic culture and education. A century later Chinese Muslim philosophers were able to write erudite books showing how you could be a loyal Muslim and also loyal to the Chinese state. And at this point, at the grassroots, men realized how important women could be in preserving and transmitting the faith. So women’s mosques grew out of a double movement in the Chinese Muslim world – the need to preserve the community, and the desire for women’s education. The main women’s mosque in Kaifeng is close to the central men’s mosque, across an alley lined with food stalls with steaming tureens and white-capped bakers making the local spiced bread. The prayer leader here is Guo Jingfang, who was trained by her father, an imam at the men’s mosque. She took me through Kaifeng’s winding alleys, stopping on the way to hold animated chats with neighbors and to pick up an order from the local cake maker, until finally we came to the ornamental gate of what looked like a little Confucian temple. Inside was a tiny flagged courtyard with a tiled roof festooned with vines and yellow flowers. This is Wangjia Alley mosque, said to be the oldest surviving women’s mosque in Kaifeng, built in 1820. The prayer hall is scarcely more than a spacious living room covered with carpets and chairs. It could hardly fit more than 50 people but it is one of the loveliest places of worship I have seen anywhere. Outside, in dappled sunlight, we met members of the community and their prayer leader. Once a factory worker, she came from a religious family and after five years of study had become an ahong – a woman prayer leader – though she sees her main job simply as teaching women to read the Koran. We stood in the courtyard and chatted away. Guo Jingfang saw women’s mosques as a Chinese tradition but especially strong in Henan – there are 16 in Kaifeng and dozens more in the countryside around, along with small teaching schools in the big city, Zhengzhou, and in some smaller towns. Further afield, there are many more down south in Yunnan and in the north, but not in Muslim Xinjiang, where they follow a more traditional Central Asian brand of Sunni Islam. Guo Jingfang and her friends in Kaifeng think that the schools came first, and then became full mosques in the 18th Century. Education still has a big role today, from basic teaching to copying texts. “In some places in the Muslim world it is not allowed, but here we think it a good thing. Women have had a better status here since 1949 and this is part of it.” One of the women mentioned the progressive ideas of the Islamic Association of Kaifeng, which gets men and women to work together on new education projects. “China is changing and these are good things for the future,” she said. Later, in the main women’s mosque, everyone joined in the prayers, and the men in our crew were invited too, visitors from afar. There were 30 or so women, young and old, in colored and embroidered headscarves, lime-green, scarlet, black spangled with silver stars. After a period of calm reflection, Guo Jingfang lifted her hands and began singing. Then facing the congregation, she started the prayers. It was beautiful and simple, the sounds of the street receding so you could almost hear a pin drop. I felt privileged to be there. The Muslim community has had its ups and downs in China. Today, as in the Ming Dynasty, they are anxious to demonstrate their loyalty, as rumors come of dissent in the far west in Xinjiang – keen to point out that the old Muslims, the Hui, are loyal Chinese, just as the Han are. But what began as a response to the patriarchy of traditional Chinese society, and to the historical situation of Islam under the Ming and the Manchus, has now also become a feminist issue. China was isolated for much of the 20th Century, so these women-only mosques were untouched by the waves of radical Islam which came after the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Now the wheel is turning again and what is seen as completely normal here in Kaifeng is being taken up in other parts of the world. Iran accepted women’s mosques not so long ago. There are women’s mosques in Berlin and Amsterdam, in Lebanon and Bukhara and even in Sudan. An African-American woman recently led prayers in the USA’s first-ever women’s mosque in Los Angeles. In the UK, the Bradford Muslim Women’s Council only recently announced a plan to build the UK’s first women’s mosque. To many Muslims I have spoken to, men and women, the movement is an inevitable necessary and renewing phase in the history of Islam… And if the goal is the renewal of spiritual life then the gorgeous little mosque in Wangjia Alley carries a lesson for us all. On my travels over the years – to the Sufis in Konya (Turkey) or Sind (Pakistan), shrines like Nizamuddin in Delhi, Chishti in Ajmer (Rajasthan), or Ibn al-Arabi in Damascus, the timeless calm of Al-Azhar (Cairo), the passion of Karbala (Iraq) – I have always been struck by how full of rich difference the world of Islam is. And among those unforgettable experiences the women’s mosques in Kaifeng will have a very special place.
Traveling, writing, and filming for the last 35 years between the Mediterranean and the Yellow Sea, I have often had occasion to reflect on how frequently the Muslim world is misunderstood, in its beliefs, but also in its customs and practices.

Read more at World Religion News: "Why Does China Have Women-only Mosques?" http://www.worldreligionnews.com/?p=38705

China's Last Empire: A Rich Age for Muslim Culture

Is There a Match for Tech Between China and Israel?

KNOWLEDGE@WHARTON - Jun 20, 2017
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

Catherine Leung is a principal and co-founder of MizMaa Ventures, a Hong Kong-based investment firm that focuses exclusively on Israeli technologies. Leung formerly was vice chairman of JPMorgan Asia investment banking for 20 years until 2015, where she spearheaded efforts in Greater China. During her tenure, JPMorgan was named the best foreign investment bank in Hong Kong at various times by The Asset magazine and also FinanceAsia. She has been involved in many high-profile IPOs, mergers, acquisitions and other transactions. In this Knowledge@Wharton interview, Leung shares her views on technology, innovation and the opportunities for collaboration with Israel’s tech industry.
An edited transcript of the conversation follows.

Knowledge@Wharton: Israel is well-known for its tech prowess and rich start-up culture. Hong Kong, meanwhile, is one of the world’s largest financial centers, and so it seems like the two would be a great match just on the face of it. In fact, the name of your company, MizMaa, is a combination of two Hebrew words that mean East and West. Why did you make the change from investment banking and why the focus on Israel today?

Catherine Leung: You only have so long of a working life, I would say. People can say, I want to stop [working] at 50, people can say I want to stop at 60, some people don’t stop at 70, it depends on what your perspectives are, but there is going to be a limit to the work life. And I think that having done 20 years of investment banking gives me plenty of perspective, plenty of experience and plenty of scars and celebrations and victories. Where the world is now, the most interesting thing I think is actually tech.

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FOCUS: Is Iran the new China for steel billet?

Juan Weik  

META BULLETIN - July 05, 2017  

Iranian steel billet has been quietly gaining market acceptance in Southeast Asia because of its low prices, just as it happened with China-origin product a few years ago, but can it dominate the region?

In the past several months, transactions involving Iranian billet had been concluded on and off in Southeast Asia – the world’s largest import region for the semi-finished steel product – at $10-15 per tonne below prices of cargoes of other origin. Until recently, Thailand was the only country that regularly imported billet from Iran in this part of the world. But the low prices of cargoes from the Middle Eastern country have piqued the interest of buyers in places such as Malaysia and Indonesia. "It’s just too cheap to ignore," one buyer source in Southeast Asia told Metal Bulletin. This is strikingly similar to the story of Chinese billet, which first attracted the attention of a handful of importers in the Philippines around the end of 2013 and beginning of 2014 before spreading to the entire region, displacing shipments from South Korea, Russia and other countries in the process. Loopholes The similarities between Chinese...

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FOCUS: Is Iran the new China for steel billet? – Part 2

Juan Weik

META BULLETIN - July 05, 2017 
 
In this second segment of a two-part feature, Metal Bulletin looks at the implications of two cargoes of Iranian steel that encountered roadblocks into Southeast Asia, and what may lie ahead.


Shifting trends The fact that more Iranian cargoes are making their way to Southeast Asia shows that Iranian steelmakers have jumped on to the export bandwagon ever since the Middle Eastern country opened up to international trade early last year. The country shipped 5.53 million tonnes of steel products abroad during the Iranian year ended March 20, of which 3.74 million tonnes consisted of semi-finished products. It aims to increase its steel exports to 8 million tonnes in the current Iranian year, which ends on March 21, 2018. Meanwhile, China’s steel exports have been sliding on a year-on-year basis since the end of 2016 because of plans to cut capacity being pushed forward by the country’s central government and, more recently, a crackdown on mills that produce substandard steel. In January-May this year, China exported 34.19 million tonnes of finished steel – a steep fall of 26.1% from 46.28 million tonnes over the same period...

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Modern Silk Road project to set ground for stronger Turkey, China political ties

MEHMET ÇELIK

SABAH DAILY NEWS - JUNE 24, 2017

The One Belt, One Road project which will significantly contribute to Sino-Turkish economic and trade ties, is also expected to set foundations for enhancing diplomatic ties between Beijing and Ankara, analysts suggest

As part of Turkey's new approach to foreign policy after the April 16 referendum and a series of official visits abroad, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan visited the Chinese capital of Beijing to attend the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) forum, an initiative proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. Turkey's active support for the project, which aims to increase the connectivity of trade routes between Asia and the European continent through 65 countries, will also enhance Sino-Turkish political relations and mutual cooperation in social and cultural areas, analysts suggest.

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Chinese academic: Xinjiang claims untrue, President Erdoğan knows real situation


Ali Unal

 
Chinese Academic Manyuan Dong, vice president of the China Institute of International Studies, said claims about the mistreatment of minorities in Xinjiang are not true, and that President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan knows about the environment, rights and freedom issues in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region better than anyone and therefore, Turkish journalists can ask him directly about the real situation.
The Chinese Embassy in Ankara organized a conference titled "The Situation of Ethnic Groups and Religions in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in China" on June 20 with the participation of academics and experts from China. Speaking at the conference, Chinese Academic Manyuan Dong said that most of the news that circulates in Turkish media outlets about Xinjiang claiming that members of the Uyghur minority are forced to change their names or forced to break their fast do not reflect the truth. "Xinjiang is a place where various ethnic and religious groups have lived in harmony throughout history and all the minorities and religious groups have had the right to practice their religion freely since the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was established in 1955." He added that "Turkish President Recep Tayyyip Erdoğan who has been to Xinjiang twice knows the environment in Xinjiang better than anyone, thus Turkish journalists can also ask him questions about freedom of religion in China directly, if they find our statements unsatisfactory."

Friday, June 30, 2017

Trump Cools on China

Dimitri Alexander Simes


Donald Trump’s administration is gradually losing patience with China. Over the past week, it adopted a new and more confrontational posture towards Beijing, including possible tariffs on steel. These moves mark a reversal from the president’s earlier approach to China, which sought to recruit the People’s Republic as a partner in solving regional issues, most notably on North Korea.
As a candidate, Trump took a critical tone on China. Speaking about America’s trade deficit with the country at a May 2016 rally in Indiana, the New York billionaire declared, “We can’t continue to allow China to rape our country.” Throughout the election season, he promised to outmaneuver Beijing if elected. “You can win against China if you're smart,” he told a South Carolina audience in July 2015.
Upon taking office, however, Trump appeared to prefer collaboration over confrontation with Beijing. After meeting with the Chinese president at Mar-a-Lago in early April, Trump expressed optimism about finding common on North Korea and trade. Beyond positive words, the president backed away from some of his tougher campaign proposals in order to cultivate China. He decided against labeling the People’s Republic a currency manipulator, citing the need to gain its support on North Korea.

How Zbigniew Brzezinski Shaped US-China Relations

Dr. Brzezinski played an instrumental, but often overlooked, role in the normalization of U.S.-China relations.

By Chi Wang

The Diplomat - July 01, 2017

Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski passed away on May 26. In the wake of his passing, I was initially surprised by how little fanfare surrounded the news of his death, but perhaps I shouldn’t have been. After all, Dr. Brzezinski had always been a humble and private man, not seeking praise or attention for his countless accomplishments. His legacy, however, should not be forgotten. The impact he made on the United States and China should be remembered and given the attention it deserves.
Dr. Brzezinski should be remembered as a respected political strategist, influential adviser, and global scholar. He pursued his endeavors with great integrity, honesty, and humility. Some of his key accomplishments can best be embodied by the text of the Presidential Medal of Freedom awarded to him by President Jimmy Carter in 1981, which read:
Zbigniew Brzezinski served his country and the world. An author and architect of world affairs, his strategic vision of America’s purpose fused principle with strength. His leadership has been instrumental in building peace and ending the estrangement of the Chinese and American people. But above all, he helped set our nation irrevocably on a course that honors America’s abiding commitment to human rights.

READ MORE....

Saturday, June 24, 2017

Israel-Asia Leaders Fellowship, 2017-18

Israel-Asia Leaders Fellowship 

ISRAEL-ASIA CENTER

The Israel-Asia Leaders Fellowship develops and invests in future leaders in Israel-Asia relations by providing Israeli and Asian students studying in Israel with the high-level access, contacts, skills-set and support network necessary to build long-term, strategic partnerships between Israel and Asia in their professional fields.
The 8-month program is part-time and is designed to supplement students’ existing university study programs in Israel.

The Israel-Asia Center is a non-profit organization dedicated to building a shared future between Israel and Asia. We develop and invest in the future leaders of Israel-Asia relations, and are growing dynamic networks to maximize their continued engagement and build new paradigms of cooperation.
What we do
Our programs to date:
Israel-Asia Leaders Fellowship
An 8-month program focused on building future leaders in Israel-Asia relations.
75% of our alumni are now directly engaged in strengthening Israel-Asia relations in their professional fields, across 10 countries in Asia and securing tens of millions of dollars in investment from Asia to Israel.
Israel-Asia Events
The Israel-Asia Center holds thought leadership events exploring the future of Israel-Asia relations, and the biggest challenges facing Asia in the next decade and how we can work together to co-innovate solutions.
Scholarships to Asian students
The Israel-Asia Center provides a limited number of scholarships to Asian students to study MBAs in Israel – as part of special tracks on the Israel-Asia Leaders Fellowship that also include seed funding for Israel-Asia ventures, or employment with Israeli/Asian companies after the program.
Israel-Asia Micro Grants
Powered by Start-Up Nation Central, Israel-Asia Micro Grants provide alumni of the Israel-Asia Leaders Fellowship with ongoing engagement opportunities and seed funding for events, ventures and other initiatives connecting Israel and Asia in different areas of innovation and entrepreneurship.

http://israelasiacenter.org/

Why Do Chinese Reject Middle Eastern Refugees?

Islamophobia is a potent factor, but not the whole story.

By Wang Jin

The Diplomat - June 23, 2017

June 20 was “World Refugee Day,” but the following days witnessed strong debates over the refugee issue inside China. Many Chinese newspapers and websites highlighted the news of Yao Chen, who is a famous Chinese movie and TV star, visiting foreign refugees in both China and abroad. Those reports about refugees were viewed by Chinese public as attempts to “create a public atmosphere,” or a sign that Chinese government is preparing to accept Middle East refugees (an assumption made largely because of the official background of Chinese news agencies). Countless discussions and petitions denouncing Yao Chen and the possibility of China accepting refugees have emerged, not only on social media sites such as Weibo and WeChat, but also on several leading internet blogs. Public surveys show that a massive majority of Chinese (in some surveys, nearly 99 percent) strongly oppose the idea of settling Middle Eastern refugees, especially Muslim refugees, inside China.

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Xi Jinping’s Marco Polo Strategy

Joseph S. Nye 

Joseph S. Nye, Jr., a former US assistant secretary of defense and chairman of the US National Intelligence Council, is University Professor at Harvard University. He is the author of Is the American Century Over?

Project Syndicate - June 12, 2017

CAMBRIDGE – Last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping presided over a heavily orchestrated “Belt and Road” forum in Beijing. The two-day event attracted 29 heads of state, including Russia’s Vladimir Putin, and 1,200 delegates from over 100 countries. Xi called China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) the “project of the century.” The 65 countries involved comprise two-thirds of the world’s land mass and include some four and a half billion people.
Originally announced in 2013, Xi’s plan to integrate Eurasia through a trillion dollars of investment in infrastructure stretching from China to Europe, with extensions to Southeast Asia and East Africa, has been termed China’s new Marshall Plan as well as its bid for a grand strategy. Some observers also saw the Forum as part of Xi’s effort to fill the vacuum left by Donald Trump’s abandonment of Barack Obama’s Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement.

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Thursday, June 22, 2017

China’s ‘Belt and Road’ offers Middle East opportunities galore

AMEINFO - June 19, 2017 

With an eye on expanding its economic prowess, which could in turn fuel its global agenda, China has been investing billions of dollars on infrastructure development around the world.
The latest pledge of $124 billion was announced at the ‘Belt and Road’ Summit in Beijing in May. Focusing on trade, telecommunication and infrastructure connectivity and cooperation, the plan is oriented to reviving the ancient Silk Road project linking China to Persia and the Arab world.
The 2013 initiative (also known as One Belt One Road or OBOR) involves the land-based ‘Silk Road Economic Belt’ and the sea-based ‘21st Century Maritime Silk Road’. Together, the routes cover more than 60 countries across Asia and Europe via Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia and the Middle East.
Given the scale of the plan (at least $2 trillion) and its expansive reach, the plan offers interesting opportunities for the countries in the Middle East.
To fund this ambitious project, China instituted the New Silk Road Fund with $40 billion and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) contributing $100 billion.

READ MORE....

Will China’s Belt and Road Projects Ease Disputes in the Middle East?

VOICE OF AMERICA-



China’s Plan for the Middle East

By Aleksandr Konovalov

FAIR OBSERVER • June 19, 2017 

China may be on the way to taking over America’s role as the key regional player in the Middle East.
The US missile strike on the Syrian regime’s airbase in Khan Shayrat, followed by an exchange of extreme rhetoric, led to a surge in commentary on US-Russia relations and the potential for cooperation between Washington and Moscow in tackling the Syrian crisis together. However, the civil war raging in Syria is only one of the many problems facing the Middle East, and one other major factor must be added into the analysis.
It has been a common trend among foreign policy experts, analysts and practitioners to approach geopolitics of the Middle East by taking into account only few major non-regional players. Since the 1950s, the two most important of them have been the United States and Russia (or the USSR). However, today, another non-regional actor should be added to the Middle Eastern equation: an actor of subtle yet global reach, with vital national interest in the region — the People’s Republic of China.

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China's Growing Influence On Middle East Shouldn't Be Lost On An Impulsive Trump Administration

Alex Capri

FORBES - JUNE 21, 2017

The Middle East is undergoing profound change. Following Donald Trump’s first overseas trip to Saudi Arabia and his exhortations to the Gulf States to isolate Iran and “drive out terrorism,” a bizarre string of events have been transpiring. There's a palpable and growing disregard for established protocols and frameworks: Trump's everyone-for-themselves,  impulse-driven foreign policy is catching on.
First, the Gulf States, led by Saudi Arabia, moved to impose a blockade on Qatar, a fellow member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). This action is based on claims of widespread Qatari financing of terrorism and deep, secretive ties to Tehran. And it turns out that some of these accusations were the result of fake news planted by Russian hackers on the Al Jazeera Network.
Next, Trump tweeted that he was in agreement with the Saudis, and publicly called out Qatar, which happens to be a vital U.S. military ally in the region. Then, just days later, the U.S. announced a $21 billion arms-deal with Qatar.

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ANALYSIS: As ‘Shanghai Spirit’ sweeps Central Asia, is the Middle East noticing?

A group photo following a meeting of heads of member states at the SCO summit in Astana, Kazakhstan, on June 9, 2017. (Reuters)

By Ehtesham Shahid

AL-ARABIYA - Thursday, 22 June 2017

Addressing the 17th Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit in Astana earlier this month, Chinese President Xi Jinping said something that goes into the core of the organization’s stated objectives.
“Firmly committed to the Shanghai Spirit, SCO member states are making solid progress on the road of building a community of shared future, thus establishing a fine example of the new type of international relations featuring win-win cooperation”, he said.
Considering what has been going on with the NATOs, EU and the GCCs of this world, this “new type of international relations” looks destined for greater accomplishments.
Jinping also made a much-anticipated announcement during the summit. “Today we are going to admit India and Pakistan as new member states of the SCO,” he said. This inclusion means that the SCO now encompasses nearly half of the world population and a combined GDP that, according to one estimate, is over 25 percent of global GDP.

Wednesday, June 21, 2017

China is trying to pull Middle East countries into its version of NATO By Jonathan Fulton

The Washington Post - June 21, 2017

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a Central Asian security bloc led by China and Russia that is often described as a future Eastern counterweight to NATO. It held its annual summit last week in Kazakhstan, and the most significant outcome was the announcement that India and Pakistan became its first new members since being formed in 2001. The evolution of the SCO looks set to continue, with Iranian membership gaining momentum and Turkey’s an increasing possibility.
If this initial expansion of the SCO into the Middle East happens, it is likely to spark interest among Arab states to apply as well. Washington’s muddled response to the current dispute between the GCC and Qatar, combined with the perception that the U.S. is disengaging from global leadership, gives leaders in the Middle East reason to look to as many external powers as possible as potential security partners.

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Monday, June 19, 2017

3rd Annual Israel-China Conference - INSS June 29, 2017 Tel Aviv-Yafo, Israel

3rd Annual Israel-China Conference

June 29, 2017

http://www.inss.org.il/event/3rd-annual-israel-china-conference/

The annual conference of the INSS China-Israel Program will focus on the twenty-five years of diplomatic relations between Israel and China. With a strengthening of the bilateral relations, the question arises how Israel should maximize its economic ties to China, while preserving its strategic independence and its special relations with the United States. Overall, the encounter with China demands serious research and extensive learning processes on Israel’s part, particularly in light of the large cultural gaps between the countries. The conference will focus on the current relations between Israel and China and their future potential.

Click here to watch the conference

Chayim Levanon Street 40, Tel Aviv-Yafo, Israel

Conference program:

http://www.inss.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/china_ENG-1.pdf

Intelligence File: China-CIA-Israel triangle of spies?.

ByYonah Jeremy Bob

THE JERUSALEM POST - May 26, 2017 

These reports plagued Trump in the press, day after day, last week, partially spilling into this week, with speculation about whether his leak had led to the death of a key agent

Is there a bizarre China-CIA-Israel spy leaks triangle? On May 15, The Washington Post reported that US President Donald Trump had shared classified information the week before with Russia about a planned Islamic State terrorist attack, information that the US had received from an ally, but without the ally’s permission to share it with the Russians.  By May 16-17 there were reports that the information had come from Israel. The picture is still somewhat hazy, but top former intelligence officials have told The Jerusalem Post that this version of events appears to be true. Furthermore, Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman all but confirmed it on Wednesday, while downplaying it.
There are also reports that the information came from Jordan, and some top officials have suggested it could have come from a combination of both Israel and Jordan.  These reports plagued Trump in the press, day after day, last week, partially spilling into this week, with speculation about whether his leak had led to the death of a key agent.

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China May Soon Establish Naval Base in U.S. Ally Pakistan

by Wajahat S. Khan  LONDON

NBC NEWS - JUNE 19, 2017

Nuclear-armed Pakistan is a key ally of the United States — but the relationship is far from untroubled. And one of Washington's main geopolitical rivals appears ready to step in.  The Pentagon is warning that the Islamic republic may soon house a Chinese military base.
While the U.S. gives Islamabad hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, the two countries are not on the same page when it comes to fighting terrorism or ending the war in Afghanistan.
A report released earlier this month suggested that Beijing would likely turn to countries such as Pakistan as it seeks to project its economic and military power abroad.
The Pentagon didn't provide a time frame for such a move. However, a senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed to NBC News that his country invited China to build a naval facility on its territory back in 2011.

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Iran, China begin naval drill in Strait of Hormuz

PRESS TV - Sun Jun 18, 2017 

Picture taken on June 14, 2017 shows a vessel belonging to a Chinese naval group docking at the southern Iran port city of Bandar Abbas. (Photo by IRNA)
The Iranian and Chinese Navies have launched a joint exercise in an area stretching from the strategic Strait of Hormuz to the Sea of Oman in the Persian Gulf.
The Chinese flotilla partaking in the drill, which began on Sunday, comprises two battle cruisers, a support vessel, and a helicopter.
It had berthed at the southern Iran port city of Bandar Abbas on Thursday after travelling there from the Pakistani port of Karachi, where it had docked on a training mission.
The Iranian Navy has assigned its Alborz destroyer (seen below), a helicopter, and 700 personnel members to the exercise.
China’s Ambassador to Tehran Pang Sen accompanied his country's sailors as they met local officials.
Dozens of Iran-based Chinese national traveled to Bandar Abbas to welcome the servicemen, waving the national flags of the two countries.
The event will conclude later in the day, and the Chinese fleet will then head for the Omani capital of Muscat. Earlier, the Chinese personnel visited tourist spots across the Iranian port city.
Last time a Chinese Navy flotilla arrived in the southern Iranian coast was three years ago. A high-ranking naval delegation from China visited Iran for talks in October 2015.
Subsequently, Iran’s Navy Commander Rear Admiral Habibollah Sayyari visited China’s eastern port city of Qingdao with a high-ranking team and held talks with military officials.
The Iranian Navy dispatched a naval group to China back in 2012, setting a new precedence in the countries’ bilateral naval cooperation.

How the Qatar crisis could turn into a disaster for Beijing

Staying engaged in the Middle East is in China’s long-term economic interests, but competing with the US for influence may be a slippery slope towards picking sides in potential armed conflicts 

By Cary Huang

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST - 18 Jun 2017 

The recent row between Qatar and its Arab neighbours puts a big question mark over the feasibility of Beijing’s plans to promote connectivity and build a China-centred trade network among Eurasian countries.  The diplomatic rift will interrupt Beijing’s efforts to manage its multitrillion-dollar projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, as the crisis in the Gulf region might mark the beginning of a new round of chaos, and perhaps military conflicts, in the wider Middle East.  On June 5, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Yemen and Egypt broke off ties with Qatar, accusing Doha of supporting terrorism. They imposed air, land and sea blockades on the gas-rich nation, which is using its wealth to bankroll its regional and global ambitions and fund the influential pan-Arab broadcaster Al-Jazeera and 2022 Fifa World Cup. A few more Arabian nations joined in the Saudi-led sanctions, while Turkey and Iran voiced their support for their Muslim brethren in Qatar. All six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE – involved in the row have much at stake, economically and geopolitically, in China’s Belt and Road economic corridor.

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“One Belt, One Road” Project and Turkish-Chinese Relations in a Strategic Perspective

Sadık Ünay

THE NEW TURKEY - June 17, 2017

As the center of gravity of the global political economy is rapidly shifting from the Atlantic to the Asia-Pacific region, the relative importance and influence of the rising powers in the multipolar global system continue to increase. In this context, the attention in public opinion focusing on Turkey-China relations is quite natural given that China is the world's leading rising power that gradually erodes Western institutional, economic and technological hegemony; while Turkey is the leading rising power in the Middle East, Balkans and Caucasus axis.
As far as Turkey's foreign policy options are concerned; it is obvious that the country's approaches and policy choices especially with regards to regional geopolitical developments have radically diverted from the stances of the US and the EU since the reversal of the Arab Spring via authoritarian coups, foreign interventions and civil wars.

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Thursday, June 15, 2017

AHA Member Spotlight: Shuang Wen - Arab-Chinese interactions

AHA Today - June 14, 2017

Shuang Wen is a research fellow at the Middle East Institute, National University of Singapore (MEI-NUS). She lives in Singapore and has been an AHA member since 2010.
Alma maters: MA, American University in Cairo, 2008; PhD, Georgetown University, 2015
Fields of interest: global history, Arab-Chinese interactions

Describe your career path. What led you to where you are today? I initially encountered the Middle East as a broadcast journalist for Phoenix Satellite Television InfoNews Channel in Hong Kong (2003–06). During those reporting trips, I learned some rudimentary Arabic, including ana siniyah (I am Chinese). Wherever I went, as soon as I said ana siniyah, the response was always a passionate ahlan wa sahlan (welcome). Despite the linguistic and cultural differences, the local people’s friendliness and hospitality deeply touched my heart. I told myself that if I wanted to write in-depth and human-oriented stories, I needed to study the Arabic language and history of the Middle East. Therefore, I enrolled in an MA program in Middle East studies at the American University in Cairo (AUC). During the Israel-Hizbullah conflicts in 2006, I freelanced as a war correspondent reporting on the humanitarian crisis in Lebanon.
At AUC, I took intensive Arabic classes. I also learned how to conduct research and write academic papers in the English language. I was gradually attracted to the beauty and profoundness of a scholarly life. The excitement of discovering different layers of the past in a quiet library room and having intellectually stimulating conversations with like-minded colleagues eventually led to my decision to pursue a PhD at Georgetown University. My committee members were supportive, for which I am grateful. I believed in the value of my research on Arab-Chinese connections. It is an under-studied topic but has become increasingly important, especially with China’s deepening engagements with Middle Eastern countries today.


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Qatar Crisis Impacts China’s Ambitious Foreign Policy

IndraStra Global Wednesday, June 14, 2017

Philip Gater-Smith 


What some have called the Middle East’s most severe diplomatic crisis in years recently shook the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) when Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Egypt, and several other Sunni Muslim-majority countries cut off diplomatic and economic ties with Qatar. The three GCC states taking action against Doha shut off their land, maritime, and air links with the emirate and told their nationals in Qatar that they had two weeks to depart the targeted country. 
The reasons for this dramatic step against Qatar are rooted mainly in Doha’s support for Sunni Islamist movements and prominent figures in the Middle East; the emirate’s ownership of al-Jazeera and other media platforms which numerous Arab governments perceive as propaganda networks seeking to stir up unrest; and Qatar’s cordial relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran, with which the Arab Gulf country shares the world’s largest natural gas reserve. These pillars of Qatari foreign policy have long left the Bahrainis, Egyptians, Emiratis, and Saudis with the belief that Doha’s actions have fueled extremism and terrorism across the Arab world. The Trump administration’s relationship with Saudi Arabia and the UAE is the key. The move against Qatar came two weeks after U.S. President Donald Trump’s state visit to the Kingdom, during which he called for a grand alliance against Islamist terrorism and its alleged supporters, most prominently Iran. The Deputy Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and Deputy Commander of the UAE Armed Forces Mohammed bin Zayed visited the White House days before Trump’s trip to Riyadh, and Saudi Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman paid a visit to Washington in March. Feeling emboldened and empowered by the new American leadership, the Saudis and Emiratis are now acting more assertively against their enemies and rivals. 

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Tuesday, June 13, 2017

China is Getting More Interested in the Middle East

Gedaliah Afterman

THE NEWS LENS - 2017/06/12

Much has been said about U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent visit to the Middle East but it’s worth remembering that only a few weeks earlier a mirror image of Trump’s Middle East tour took place in China. In mid-March, King Salman of Saudi Arabia and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited Beijing in the same week. These visits, combined with other diplomatic activities, reflect the fact that China’s engagement with the Middle East has been growing steadily in recent years.  The surprise and the sense of unpreparedness China experienced from the Arab Spring (particularly the fall of the Mubarak regime in Egypt and the need to evacuate thousands of Chinese workers from Libya), and the sense of opportunity created by growing frustration with the Obama Administration’s Middle East policy, has led China to gradually adopt a more active approach to the region, still seen as U.S. strategic territory.  China has tried to balance its relationships and bypass regional strategic and ideological divides by pursuing ties with Iran and getting closer to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Israel. China, the biggest oil importer in the world, has developed substantial energy trade with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.

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Backing for Iran is part of China’s delicate Middle East balancing act, say analysts

Beijing is supporting Tehran’s bid for formal membership of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation at Astana summit

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST - Thursday, 08 June, 2017

China’s decision to throw its weight behind Iran’s bid to join a Beijing-backed security grouping is a reflection of its long game of pursuing a balanced Middle East policy, say analysts. ran’s application to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation will be discussed at this year’s two-day summit which began on Thursday in the Kazakhstan capital, Astana. Chinese President Xi Jinping is attending the meeting.

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Why has the Arab world cut ties with Qatar? By Zou Zhiqiang

China.org.cn, June 11, 2017

On June 6, Saudi Arabia, along with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Egypt, Yemen, the Maldives and Libya, broke off diplomatic relations with Qatar, accusing the Gulf state of supporting and financing terrorism and extremism as well as undermining security and stability in the region. Meanwhile, the Arab League also announced that Qatar would be expelled from the organization.  Both Saudi Arabia and Qatar were members of the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), but had long been at loggerheads over foreign policy issues.  Qatar was not hostile to the Arab Spring, and has since been active as a mediator in Middle East affairs. The disagreements between Qatar and its neighboring countries mainly involve the Muslim Brotherhood, Syria, Iran, Hamas, and the regional development mode.  In the process, Qatar has been trying to take over the leading role played by Saudi Arabia among the Gulf nations.

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Monday, June 5, 2017

How the Gulf row is blocking China’s new Silk Road

Rift between Qatar and its neighbours could disrupt key projects in Beijing’s sprawling trade initiative

Julia Hollingsworth

South China Morning Post - Tuesday, 06 June, 2017

A worsening rift between several Gulf Arab nations along China’s modern Silk Road trade route will make it harder for China to manage its ties in the region, according to analysts.
Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and the United Arab Emirates all cut diplomatic ties with Qatar on Monday, citing Doha’s alleged links to terrorism.
The nations also said they planned to cut air and sea traffic, while Saudi Arabia announced it would shut its land border with Qatar, cutting the gas-rich nation off from the rest of the Arabian peninsula.
Qatar denies that it funds extremist groups.
The nations are involved in Xi Jinping’s ambitious “Belt and Road Initiative”, which stretches across 65 countries and encompasses Asia, Africa and Europe.
The Arab peninsula is the top source of oil for China, the world’s biggest oil importer. Global prices rose in early trading on Monday.

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China and Qatar Relations

China-Qatar cooperation benefits both countries
Xinhua
http://lr.china-embassy.org/eng/majorevents/t468200.htm


China-Qatar Relations: Media, Culture, Education, and People 
Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat
Huffington Post - 

What the Gulf States Think of 'One Belt, One Road'
By Giorgio Cafiero and Daniel Wagner
The Diplomat - May 24, 2017
http://thediplomat.com/2017/05/what-the-gulf-states-think-of-one-belt-one-road/

China, Qatar, and RMB Internationalization
By Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat
The Diplomat - June 06, 2015
http://thediplomat.com/2015/06/china-qatar-and-rmb-internationalization/

China Eyes Qatar in its Quest to Build a New Silk Road
 Muhammad Zulfikar RakhmatGiorgio Cafiero
The National Interests - June 2, 2016
http://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/china-eyes-qatar-its-quest-build-new-silk-road-16437

China and Qatar Forge a New Era of Relations around High Finance Publication:
China Brief Volume: 12 Issue: 20
Chris Zambelis
The Jamestown Foundation - October 19, 2012
https://jamestown.org/program/china-and-qatar-forge-a-new-era-of-relations-around-high-finance/

An East-West one-two for oil and power in China and Qatar’s stadium diplomacy
Simon Chadwick
South China Morning Post - Monday, 19 December, 2016
http://www.scmp.com/sport/china/article/2055715/east-west-one-two-oil-and-power-china-and-qatars-stadium-diplomacy

China-Qatar relations get a boost
Joey Aguilar
Gulf Times - March 13 2013
http://www.gulf-times.com/story/345338/China-Qatar-relations-get-a-boost

Saturday, June 3, 2017

The 3rd “China and The Middle East” Conference - June 7-8, 2017 Shanghai University


 

The 3rd “China and The Middle East” Conference
第三届中国与中东国际研讨会
From Asia to the Middle East: Asianization of the Middle East with
Economic Characteristics?
从亚洲到中东:中东经济的亚洲化?


Conference Venue: No. 149, Yanchang Road, North Building, Shanghai University
(Yanchang Campus)
会议地点:上海市延长路149号,上海大学北大楼(延长校区)
Time: June 7-9, 2017
会议时间:201767日至9


Organizers:
上海大学土耳其研究中心/Center for Turkish Studies, SHU
上海大学全球学研究中心/Center for Global Studies, SHU
上海研究院/Shanghai Academy
上海外国语大学中东研究所/The Middle East Studies Institute, SISU


Hotel: Jinrong International Hotel
(No. 2750, Gong He Xin Road, Jing-an District, Shanghai, China)
入住酒店:锦荣国际大酒店 (上海静安区共和新路2750号)

Wednesday June 7, 2017 / 67日星期三
9:15——9:20   Opening Ceremony/开幕式
Moderator: Prof. Guo Changgang/郭长刚, Director of Center for Global Studies, Center for Turkish Studies, Shanghai University
Welcome Speech: Dr. Tugrul Keskin, Associate Professor, Shanghai University

9:20——10:20   Keynote Speeches/主旨发言 (20 Minutes for Each Speaker)
1、  Mr. Wu Sike (Former Chinese Ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Egypt; Former China's Special Envoy to the Middle East)
吴思科(中国前驻沙特、埃及大使;前中国中东问题特使)
Title:  Peace and DevelopmentExpectations of the Middle East in Turmoil
题目:动乱中的中东期盼和平与发展
2、  Asso. Prof. Mojtaba Mahdavi (University of Alberta, Canada)
Title:  The Trump Effect: ​Revisiting the Sino-Middle East Janus-faced Relations
题目:特朗普效应:中国与中东国家关系的再审视
3、  Prof. Yang Guang (Director-General, Institute of West-Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; President, Chinese Association of Middle East Studies )
杨光(中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所所长;中国中东学会会长)
Title: Opportunities and Challenges for the Cooperation between China and the Middle East Countries in Industrialization and Energy Resources Development
题目: 中国与中东国家开展能源和工业化合作的机遇和挑战

10:20——10:30  Q &A

10:30——10:45  Coffee Break/茶歇

10:45——11:45  Panel Discussion/分组讨论 (15 Minutes for Each Speaker)
Panel 1: China’s Soft Power in the Middle East/第一单元讨论:中国在中东的软实力
Moderator:  Prof. Matthias Wieland Middel (Leipzig University, Germany)/莱比锡大学

1.     Chinese Geopolitical Imaginaries of the MENA Region: Critical Discourse Analysis and Contemporary Chinese Leadership’s Mental Maps/中国对西亚北非的地缘政治想象:批判话语分析与中国领导层的精神图景
Jordi Quero Arias (Lecturer, International Relations, University Pompeu Fabra; Researcher, Middle East Department, Barcelona Centre for International Relations, Spain)/西班牙庞比犹法布拉大学国际关系系讲师;巴塞罗那国际关系中心中东研究部研究员

2.     SICMa: Sino-Islamic Conflict Management Framework Defusing Tensions between Chinese and Muslims/华人与穆斯林冲突的化解:基于冲突管理的视角
Prof. Patrik K. Meyer (Visiting Professor and Research Fellow, Department of International Relations, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia; New America Security Fellow, Washington DC, USA)/印度尼西亚穆罕默迪亚大学国际关系系访问教授;美国新美国安全研究中心研究员

3.     Smoothing the Water: Science and Research collaboration between China and the Arab World/吹皱一池涟漪:中国与阿拉伯世界的科技与科研合作
Prof. Sari Hanafi, American University in Beirut, Lebanon/黎巴嫩贝鲁特美国大学教授

4.     Confucius in the UAE: Chinese Soft Power in the GCC/孔子在阿联酋:中国在海湾国家中的软实力
Prof. Habibul Haque Khondker (Zayed University, UAE)/阿联酋扎耶德大学教授

11:45——12:15  Q&A

12:15——13:45  Lunch/午餐

13:45——15:00  Panel Discussion/分组讨论 (15 Minutes for Each Speaker)
Panel 2: Economic Relations between China and the Middle East/第二单元讨论: 中国与中东国家的经贸关系
Moderator:  Prof. Michael Edward Goodhart (University of Pittsburgh)/匹兹堡大学 
1.     The Political Economy of the Asian Infrastructure Bank/亚投行的政治经济学
Özlem Arzu Azer (Associate Professor, Beykent University, Turkey)/土耳其贝伊肯特大学副教授

2.     The Strategic Path of International Productivity Cooperation between China and Turkey from the Perspective of the Belt and Road Initiative/中土国际产能合作的战略路径:以一带一路倡议为视角
Wei Min (Associate Professor., Institute of West Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences)/魏敏(中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所副研究员)

3.     Israel-China Relations Enter a New Stage: Limited Strategic Hedging/中以关系的新阶段:有限的战略对冲
Mordechai Chaziza (Bar-Ilan University; Lecturer in Department of Politics and Governance, Ashkelon Academic College, Israel)/巴伊兰大学讲师

4.     Causes and Impacts of Economic Stall in Turkey/土耳其经济失速的原因与影响
Zou Zhiqiang (Assistant Professor, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University, Shanghai, China)/邹志强(上海外国语大学中东研究所助理研究员)

5.     China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Gawadar and the Gulf States: Regional Security Imperatives and Economic Dividends/中巴经济走廊、瓜达尔港与海湾国家:区域安全的必要性和经济红利
Prof. Saeed Shafqat (Forman Christian College, Pakistan)/巴基斯坦福尔曼基督教学院教授

15:00——15:30  Q & A

15:30——15:45  Coffee Break/茶歇

15:45——17:00  Panel Discussion/分组讨论 (15 Minutes for Each Speaker)
Panel 3: China, Central Asia and Middle East along the Silk Road /第三单元讨论:丝绸之路上的中国、中亚与中东
Moderator Dr. Chen Hao (Center for Turkish Studies, Shanghai University)/陈浩,上海大学土耳其研究中心

1.     Central Asian States Confront Threats of Islamist Radicalization, Power Practices, Social Responses and Perception of Middle East among the Post-Soviet Societies/伊斯兰极端主义、权力争斗以及社会应对:后苏联时代中亚国家的威胁以及中东观
Catherine POUJOL (Regional Director of IFEAC, French Institute of Central Asian Researches, Bishkek, Kirghizstan; Professor of Central Asian Studies at INALCO, Paris, France)/吉尔吉斯斯坦法国中亚研究所区域研究主任;法国国家语言东方文化研究院'中亚研究中心教授

2.     Situating Central Asia and the Middle East in China’s OBOR Strategy/中亚与中东在中国一带一路战略中的定位
Mahesh Ranjan Debata (Director, Area Studies Programme, Centre for Inner Asian Studies, School of International studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India)/印度尼赫鲁大学国际关系学院内亚研究中心区域研究项目主任

3.     Development of Economic and Trade Relations between China and the Middle East Countries in the New Era/新时期下中国与中东国家经贸关系的发展
Liu Dong (Associate Professor, Institute of West-Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences/刘东(中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所副研究员)

4.     Empires along the Silk Road and their Dancing Merchants/丝绸之路上的帝国与舞动的商人
Nargis Nurulla-Khodzhaeva (Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences , Moscow, Russia; Z.Shahidi International Cultural Foundation, Dushanbe, Tajikistan)/俄罗斯科学院东方学研究所;塔吉克斯坦国际文化基金会

5.     Chinese Foreign Policy Toward Afghanistan, 2001 to Present/新世纪以来中国对阿富汗的外交政策
Jiade Xiao (University of Denver, USA)/美国丹佛大学

17:00——17:30  Q & A

17:30——19:30  Welcome Dinner/晚宴


Thursday June 8, 2017/ 68日星期四
9:30——11:00  Panel Discussion/分组讨论 (15 Minutes for Each Speaker)
Panel 4: Relations between China and North Africa/第四单元讨论:中国与北非国家关系
Moderator:  Prof. David Wank (Sophia University)/上智大学

1.     China’s Relations with North Africa: From Ideology to Pragmatism/中国与北非国家关系:从意识形态到实用主义
Prof. Yahia H. ZOUBIR (KEDGE Business School, France)/法国KEDGE商学院教授

2.     China in Middle East and North Africa, a New Actor and Power: Case of Algeria/中国在中东和北非扮演的新角色:以阿尔及利亚为例
Hamitouche Youcef (Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, University of Algiers , Algeria)/埃尔及利亚阿尔及尔大学政治与国际关系学院

3.     The Belt and Road Initiatives and Culture Exchange and Cooperation between China and Egypt/“一带一路框架下中国和埃及的文化交流与合作
Kong Yan (Assistant Professor, Zheng Zhou University, China)/孔妍(郑州大学历史学院讲师)

4.     Building Infrastructure, Shaping Images—A Case Study of Chinese Infrastructural Investment in the New Egyptian Capital/基础设施建设与形象塑造——基于中国对埃及新首都基础设施投资的案例分析
Xiaoyue Li (The University of Michigan, USA) /美国密歇根大学
5.     Sino Egyptian relations and the New Regional Dynamics of the Middle East/中埃关系与中东新地缘动因
Yossra Mohamed Taha (Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, Egypt)/美国开罗大学经济与政治学院政治学系

6.     China's Rise in a Decentered World through the Lens of Peacekeeping and Antipiracy Missions, Lessons from Africa and the Middle East/ 去中心的世界见证中国的崛起:以维和和反海盗任务为中心——兼论非洲和中东的教训
Andrea Ghiselli (PhD Candidate, Fudan University, China; Junior Research Fellow, Torino World Affairs Institute, Italy/意大利都灵国际事务研究所研究员;复旦大学博士候选人

11:00——11:30  Q & A

11:30——13:00  Lunch/午餐

13:00——14:15  Panel Discussion/分组讨论 (15 Minutes for Each Speaker)
Panel 5: Relations between China, Iran and GCC/第五单元讨论:中国、伊朗与海合会国家关系
Moderator:  Prof. Paul Battersby (Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology)/澳大利亚墨尔本皇家理工大学

1.     Is building the Iran-China relationship as easy as “One Belt, One Road”?/中伊关系与一带一路倡议
Dara Conduit (Associate Research Fellow, Deakin University, Australia)/澳大利亚迪肯大学副研究员

2.     China’s Policy on Iranian Nuclear Issue: Cooperation and Disagreements with Russia and the US/中国在伊朗核问题上的政策:兼谈与俄美的合作与分歧
Mher Sahakyan (Director, “China-Eurasia” Council for Political and Strategic Research” Foundation, Armenia; Nanjing University, China)/亚美尼亚政治与战略研究“中国与欧亚”委员会主任;南京大学客座教授

3.     Consuming the Korean wave as an Alternative Popular Culture in Iran/伊朗的韩流消费:作为可供选择的流行文化
Gi Yeon Koo (Research Fellow, Institute of Cross Cultural Studies, Seoul National University, South Korea)/韩国首尔国立大学跨文化研究所研究员

4.     Economic Development of the Middle East and “Belt and Road Initiative” Construction/中东经济发展与“一带一路”建设
Jiang Yingmei (Associate Professor, Institute of West-Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, China)/姜英梅(中国社会科学院西亚非洲所副研究员)

5.     Developing People-to-People Bonds through Islam: China and the Gulf Cooperation Council/以伊斯兰为纽带的民心相通:中国与海湾合作委员会
Jonathan David Fulton (Assistant Professor, Zayed University, UAE)/阿联酋扎耶德大学助理教授

14:15——14:45  Q & A

14:45——15:00  Coffee Break/茶歇

15:00——16:15  Panel Discussion/分组讨论 (15 Minutes for Each Speaker)
Panel 6: Graduate Student Forum /第六单元讨论:博士生论坛
Moderator: Prof. Evelyn Davidheiser Kindley (Minnesota University)/明尼苏达大学

1.     Political Economy of China and Foreign Policy/中国的政治经济学及其外交政策
Michael McCall (American University in Beirut, Lebanon)/黎巴嫩贝鲁特美国大学

2.     Regional Nationalism and Othering Process in the Middle East/中东地区的民族主义思潮以及他者化进程
Gökhan Bozbaş (Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Necmettin Erbakan University, Turkey)/土耳其内吉梅丁埃尔巴坎大学国际关系系助理教授

3.     Gilgit-Baltistan is at crossroads: CPEC & Geopolitics/处在十字路口的吉尔吉特-巴尔蒂斯坦地区:地缘政治视角下的中巴经济走廊
Fawad Aslam (PhD Candidate, History Department, Nanjing University, China)/南京大学历史系博士候选人

4.     The Quandary of ‘Made in China’: A Study of the Impact of Chinese Consumer Good Imports on the West Bank (Palestine) Economy/“中国制造”的困惑:基于中国消费品对约旦河西岸经济的影响研究
Oliver Hayakawa (Doctoral Student, University of Exeter, England )/英国埃克塞特大学博士候选人

5.     Middle Eastern Crisis; China’s Need as a Dialogue Stakeholder/中东危机中的中国:斡旋者与利益攸关方
Marriyam Siddique (PhD Candidate, International Relations, School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), Jilin University, China )/吉林大学国际关系与公共事务学院博士候选人

16:15——16:45  Q & A

16:45——17:30  Keynote Speech and Closing Ceremony/主题讲演、闭幕式
Moderator: Dr. Tugrul Keskin, Associate Professor, Shanghai University
Speakers:  Prof. Mark Juergensmeyer, University of California, Santa Barbara
马克·尤尔根斯迈耶,加州大学圣巴巴拉分校教授
Prof. Pan Guang, Vice President, Chinese Association of Middle East Studies
潘光,中国中东学会副会长

17:30——19:30  Dinner/晚宴